Maya Angelou Essay Example for Free

Maya Angelou EssayIn Maya Angelou autobiography I know why the caged shuttlecock sings many themes and issues are looked at. This autobiography shows the difficulty of a black woman growing up surrounded by discrimination and poverty, but also shows her determination, joyfulness and hope. Maya Angelou describes her relationship with many character, this in it self is a theme of her writing, the right smart she sees people in her own light. Some characters that may be seen to be easily people are changed by Mayas opinion. A good example of this is the contrast between Mayas take and Mayas fathers girlfriend.If both these characters were described, the fathers girlfriend perhaps considers the better person. This is not the result after reading this book, as Maya has a way of making the reader see these characters as she sees them. After the separation of Maya Angelous parents she and her brother Bailey were sent away to move with her grandmother when Maya was only three. T his must curb been a terrible experience for a young child to go through, which some may think would subscribe to left Maya with resentment towards her mother. In fact this was quite the opposite.When Maya meet her mother over again after she left her, Maya discarded the fact that she sent her away. She describes how as in short as she saw her mother, the nights she spent crying for her was forgotten. I knew immediately why she had sent me away. She was also beautiful to have children. (Maya Angelou, 1984, P58) This was Mayas way of justifying her mother actions. Even if it maybe considered a high-risk thing what her mother did, Maya still thought she was wonderful. Later on in this book Mayas mother did another bad thing.She shot some unmatchable twice, which again maybe considered a bad thing to do. Since she had intended to shoot him (notice shoot, not kill) she had no reason to run away, so she shot him a stand by time. He had been shot, true, but in her fairness she had warned him. (Maya Angelou, 1984, pages 202 and 203) The language used when Maya describes this event show she thinks that this is not a major or bad thing that has happened. Maya again shows her mother as not a bad person even though what she has done is wrong.Mayas mother was also believed to be a prostitute Maya believes this too but again discards the idea because she knew that if that were true then she wouldnt be able to live with her, which she wanted to. Even though Mayas mother could be considered a bad mother, Maya thinks extremely highly of her. This can be seen from the choice of lexis, Maya uses to describe her mother. Maya always used nice words such as beautiful, warm, glorious. Maya is also enthusiastic when talking about her mother. At one point Maya goes to stay with her father and his girlfriend.Maya believed that being her mother was so beautiful, any woman her father was with after her mother would have been just as beautiful if not more. This was the start of M ayas disappointment when meeting her stepmother. Maya disliked Dolores (her stepmother) you could tell this from the contrast in tones, from the happy tone when see dialog about her mother to the dull and spiteful tone used when describing Dolores. If Dolores had been a little less aloof, a little more earthy She was mean and minuscule and full of pretense.(Maya Angelou, 1984, pages 222 and 223) Dolores theoretically was a good, honest person. She was a good, hardworking wife she took Maya into her home and treated her well. Even though this, she is still seen as the bad one by the end of this part, from the way Maya talks about her. Maya uses mean words to describe Dolores, and is also sarcastic towards her when talking about her and their home. She was on close ground with her washing machine and ironing board. (Maya Angelou, 1984, P221) This shows one of the sarcastic phases used by Maya Angelou.It also shows that Maya was not the innocent party in her conflict with her stepm other. Maya went out of her way to irritate Dolores and to make her jealous of Maya relationship with her father. Dolores still comes of as the bad one at the end, after an argument with Maya. Maya tries to be nice to Dolores, but Dolores ends up calling Mayas mother a whore. Even though this is possibly true and Maya questions this, she still defends her mother. It is Maya that makes the first attack on Dolores Maya justifies her behaviour, which leaves her looking the better person.What did she expect if she called my mother a whore? (Maya Angelou, 1984, P239) Another character who has an unexpected outcome is the dentist, Dr capital of Nebraska. At one stage Maya, as a child was in a draw poker of pain with toothache. At the Maya was living with her grandmother in Stamps. The nearest Negro dentist to them was twenty-five miles away, which was too far for Maya to travel in such pain. As a result Mayas grandmother took her to a dentist near by that owed her a favour. Many would b elieve a dentist to be a respectable, good, sure person. This was not the case of Dr Lincoln.He refused to help a child in pain, even though Mayas grandmother stopped him losing his business by lending him money. When language to Mayas grandmother, Dr Lincoln was very abrupt and rude to her. He did not even acknowledge Maya, or the fact her face was swollen and she was in pain. Id rather pound my hand in a dogs mouth than in a niggers(Maya Angelou, 1984, P184) This was the harsh phase that Dr Lincoln used. This also shows discrimination and racism, another major theme in Maya Angelous autobiography. After Dr Lincoln refuses to help, Mayas grandmother follows him in his office.When she later describes what happened she says that Dr Lincoln and the nurse were as thick as thieves. This is a simile used to accentuate Dr Lincoln characteristics. From the way Maya Angelou has written her autobiography I know why the caged bird sings she has managed to successfully express peoples true characters. People that may be considered to have a good character such as Dr Lincoln have been shown for who they really are. This has been done by the choice of lexis and the tones that she has used to create different atmospheres when describing certain characters.

College Life Essay Example for Free

College Life EssayCollege was always my main goal throughout my whole entire bringing up life school was not for me but I managed to make it to college. I graduated from a Catholic High School with all boys who have already mentally allowed me to focus on other issues and concentrations of focuses. I still sometimes wonder what I am going to do with my major and completion of college.I need to know my future and when I leave for school I am going to have to use my morals and higher education to supporter me understand and cope with other everyday experiences. There are three main categories of things that I deficiency to gain in my life experience. I want to gain moral things, also strengthen my personality, and gain a higher knowledge.After I graduation from high school, I had plan to do some(prenominal) things. The most significant thing I plan to do is go to college, because there are so many other detractions other than a degree, from a college education I plan to pursu e higher learning, to begin a career, and to make history in my family. Making history in my family is the most important thing I promise to gain from a college education.My mother was the one parent that parents graduated from college, I have two brothers and a sister who did dish out college which motivated me to want to go to college my other relatives a least graduated from high school. Taking a look back has motivated me to reach farther. macrocosm able too graduate of a catholic department system and also a highly respected person in my senior class. I plan to make history in my family by being the first also to get a Degree in History.Pursuing higher learning, informant a career, and making history in my family are things I hope to gain from a college education other than a degree. It is very important that I accomplish these goals so that I will have continued success. If I believe it, then I can achieve it. I am not after the meaning of life but by the grace of God I kno w all of these things that I know and able to learn more than whenever possible. College is a step in my lifelong search for knowledge that will hopefully bring me closer to my goals.Lastly one thing I hope to gain from a college education is higher learning. Learning goes far beyond a high school education and is very necessary in todays society. It allows us to be familiar with our environment and everyone in it, and it allows us to maintain assurance of ourselves. A lot of us would be lost without any learning at all, and our world would be very confused. One must learn to do such things as apply math skills as well as be responsible and independent. I know that a college education would allow me to acquire this ability.

Care, rationale and outcome in Coronary Care Unit

memory, rationale and outcome in Coronary C atomic number 18 UnitNurses be required to continue education and upgrading of skills to ensure their longanimouss receive the trump out possible nursing c are. Cardiac nursing is a dedicated nursing execute that gives foc theatrical roled and precise nursing interventions, that are governed by the best practice nursing standards using latest interrogation based facts. Nurses claim to engender good technique and skill when performing health history and physical assessments to alter them to look after the person as a whole. When nursing patients, nurses need to understand the care they give and reasoning of why they deliver the cares in a certain way. A sound knowledge of assessment and observations help nurses plan, initiate and deliver health care. Without knowledge and rationales the nurse may not deliver cares in the correct manner or have the talent to know when to initiate them. Myocardial infarction is a honey oil cause fo r admission into the Coronary Care Unit and this case study follows cares, rationales and outcomes in this setting.Mr metalworker (synonym for confidentiality) is a retired 58 year old man that was admitted to a Coronary Care Unit (CCU) via the want Department (ED) of the Atherton Hospital. His admission diagnosis was an Anterior ST Elevated Myocardial Infarction (STEMI), which had already been treated with thrombolytic therapy. On the morning of his admission, he drove himself to the ED with chest infliction. He presented with left sided chest pain that radiated to his left jaw and left arm which he scored 10/10 and described as crushing. He was diaphoretic and hypertensive with nausea and vomiting. An ECG showed sinus bradycardia, rate of 60 bpm with hyperacute T waves in V2-V4, that progressed to ST Elevation. Thrombolytic therapy was administered 1 hour of his presenting to ED and in spite of appearance 2 hours of the initial chest pain that commenced at home. His ST segment was elevated approximately 8mm and continued to increase until 70 minutes express thrombolytic when he had 50% resolution of the ST elevation.When he presented to the ED he was given oxygen, morphine, anginine, aspirin, clopidigrel and enoxaparin as first line pharmaceutical treatments. He was transferred that afternoon to Townsville. Mr smith was not managed in Atherton due to the lack of cardiac catheter services and was transferred for a Percutaneous Coronary Intervention (PCI) the next day where he had a stent placed in his proximal sphere of influence of his Left Anterior Descending Coronary Artery (LAD). Anterior MIs affect a large surface of the purport, thrombolytic therapy and PCI are the most useful way to treat them (Evans-Murray, 2008 ).His medical checkup history includes a previous STEMI and PCI in 1997, hypercholesterolemia, depression, a ruptured bowel and neck injury from a Motor Vehicle separatrix in 1977. Upon further questioning Mr Smith admitted to recen tly becoming very short of breath whilst mowing the lawn. His risk factors include ex-smoker ceasing in 1993, hypercholesteremia, and stress of brother death 3 weeks previous. His current medications were aspirin 100mg daily, atorvastatin 20 mg daily and zoloft 200mg daily.Upon arrival to a Townsville Coronary Care Unit (CCU), Mr Smith was pain free. He was connected to continuous cardiac monitoring and admission workup was attended, this includes admission paperwork, ECG, vital signs, mobile office x-ray and pathology tests. He was ordered and given stat doses of aspirin, clopidigrel and IV lasix. Mr Smith had an IVT running in his Left hand and an IVC in his Right hand.During the next few days Mr Smith remained febrile 37.6 with only a petty(a) elevation in white cell count (Huszar, 2007). Four days post infarction, Mr Smith became short of breath (SOB) in the shower and felt groundless headed he was monitored in Sinus Rhythm with SaO2 of 95% on 3lpm via nasal rear endnula. O n auscultation, crackles were heard in his lower bases. He was commenced on lasix 20mg daily. This was an reading that his Left Ventricle may not have been functioning adequately. An Echocardiogram was performed to see if the heart wall motion and valves were performing to their best ability (Kern, 2003). The report showed all-encompassing akinesis of the septal, anterior and apex left ventricle wall. His Left Ventricle Ejection Fraction (LEVF) was 35%. Normal values for (LVEF) are 60-65% (Moser Riegel, 2008). He was commenced on a Beta Blocker Cavedilol 6.25mg and Ramipril, which was commenced post PCI and decreased from 2.5mg to 1.25 mg. Use of these medications follow the criteria of the Reducing Risk in Heart Disease (Heart Foundation, 2007). He was sent to the cardiothoracic unit of measurement on day 5 with telemetry, to monitor for any changes in his cardiac condition (Jayasekara, 2009) and discharged two days later.A systematic approach should be taken when attending to health history and physical assessment. Throughout the assessment, skin temperature, body odour, mood and appearance are observed. Patients need to feel comfortable with nurses so Mr Smith had the physical assessment explained to him and the reasons for performing it. (Brown, 2007)Mr Smiths physical assessment was completed in the morning prior to his PCI. He seemed relaxed with a jovial manner just now at times did appear nervous. He was of a clean well kept appearance and looked younger than his 58 years.Neuro intact. Orientated to time, person and place, GCS 15 and PEARLA. He had a good memory of the event.Cardiovascular monitored in sinus rhythm with frequent PVCs and runs of bigeminy. ECG attached. Febrile- low grade 37.4 , Pulse 70 bpm, line of business pull 102/69, no peripheral oedema. Jugular venous pressure was approximately 4 cms. Initially I could not palpate the apical pulsing exactly when patient positioned onto his left side it was felt 5th ICS MCL. The reaso n it is felt is due to the apex of the heart comes into contact with the chest wall (Marieb Hoehn, 2010) No thrills or let loose heard. Mr Smith was warm to touch but not diaphoretic. Upon auscultation of the carotid arteries no bruits were heard. Normal S1 and S2 heart sounds were heard upon auscultation. Good radial, carotid and femoral pulses, Normal 2+ according to pulse volume scale (Lewis, 2007). Mr Smith did look pale and his haemoglobin was 121g/L.Respiratory rate of 18 per minute. Sao2 94% on 2lpm via Nasal cannula. surveillance of the thorax area revealed decent shape, size and symmetry of chest with nil use of accessory muscles. Trachea was midplane. Lips and nail beds showed no signs of cyanosis. Diaphragmatic excursion was equal at 4 cms. Anterior, lateral and posterior areas revealed equal air entry, bilaterally in high and mid thoracic zones. Basal zones of thorax areas were bilaterally dull. No adventious sounds heard. Chest X-ray noted that some consolidation in bilateral bases which corresponds to the decreased air entry heard in the bases (Wang, Baumann, Slutsky, Gruber, Jean, 2010).Gastrointestinal revealed an old scar midline under the umbilicus from previous MVA. Bowel sounds heard in all 4 quadrants. Abdomen was soft with no distension.Mr Smiths upper and lower limbs and nail beds showed no signs of cyanosis or clubbing, ulceration or varicose veins. Capillary refill was normal less than 3 seconds in all limbs. Range of motions and strength were bilaterally equal and normal in all 4 limbs. Dorsalis pedis and posterior tibial veins were felt on palpation and scored 2+ bilaterally (Lewis, 2007).Acute coronary syndrome is a common cause of death. Myocardial infarction can have a good mortality rate if treated early. Treatment can be as canonic as oxygen, ECG, observations, nitroglycerine through to thrombolytic therapy or a rescue angiogram/angioplasty (Overbaugh, 2009). One is not more than important than the other and the pati ents prognosis is the main concern.Patients opine of chest pain due to myocardial oxygen demand and supply mismatching. The coronary arteries supply the myocardium with blood supply, if the supply is interrupted by a clot, cramp iron or atherosclerotic plaque the myocardial oxygen requirement (demand) is not met which causes myocardial cells to starve for oxygen supply. This causes the depolarization of the cells to be interrupted and changes will carry on on the ECG. (Woods, 1995)Ischemia is shown on the ECG by ST segment elevation. This is primarily an emergency situation as the first 6 hours post infarction is when myocardial damage becomes irreversible (Thelan, 1994). In this time many interventions can be attended to resupply the myocardium with oxygen enriched blood supply. Oxygen is administered for at least the first 48 hours post MI so that tissue hypoxia does not become evident. At times chest pain can be relieved by applying oxygen.(Swearingen Keen, 2001) lively signs are attended to frequently in CCU, usually hourly, which enables nurses to see any changes in hemodynamic monitoring. Complications of infarctions are heart failure and arrhythmias, due to the large area of heart wall damaged. When Mr Smith suddenly became SOB and adventious breath sounds were heard on auscultation, it alerted medical staff that his left side of the heart was congested and not efficiently pumping. Early indications of Left ventricular failure are shortness of breath (SOB) and intolerance of beta blockers, nitrates, or ACE inhibitors. Mr Smith showed signs of SOB and lightheadedness, which may be due to Ramipril ( ACE inhibitor) that was then(prenominal) decreased in dose (Schell Puntillo, 2006).Continuous cardiac monitoring enables nurses to keep constant checks on heart rates and rhythms, it gives nurses the ability to act on any life threatening rhythms immediately or enables them with the knowledge of impending problems that could arise (Drew, 2004). Prematur e ventricular Contractions (PVC), Ventricular Tachycardia (VT) or Ventricular Fibrillation(VF) are the most likely rythyms to be noted due to the scarring or necrotic myocardial tissue (Aehlert eInstruction Corp., 2011). Mr Smith was noted to have occasional PVCs that became more frequent until he was monitored in bigeminy, which can lead to runs of VT (Huszar, 2007). Monitored patients can be observed in pulseless VT/ VF via the central monitor at the nurses station and can be immediately defibrillated, whereas if a ward patient collapses a monitor needs to be attached before the heart rhythm can be established and treatment given (McDonough, 2009).ST Segment monitoring shows significant changes in monitoring that can indicate ischemia or infarction. Central monitors should have unvarying nurse surveillance, will alarm if there is a significant change to the ST segment. Changes occur with or without complaints of chest pain or shortness of breath, indicating myocardial oxygen mis match (Smith, 2008). Patients need to advised to tell staff of chest pain whilst being monitored. Some patients assume nursing staff know from the monitor when they are experiencing chest pain. (Swearingen Keen, 2001)An ECG can be performed to show any significant changes of the heart. Mr Smith showed ST segment changes in his anterior /septal (V3 V4 position) aspect of his left ventricle. This area is supplied by the Left Anterior Descending Coronary Artery. Treatment does not differ depending on which area of the heart is affected. All areas require oxygen supply. spot in hospital Mr Smith was ordered serial ECGs, these are taken daily to show any changes. Expected changes expected post MI are the development of a pathological Q wave. Q waves indicate the necrosis of myocardial tissue and specifically in V1 to V4 indicates anteroseptal infarction (Dubin, 2000)Mr Smith was initially given morphine, an opioid that relieves pain by decreasing myocardial oxygen demand by decreasing the Autonomic Nervous System and decreasing anxiety (Lewis, 2007). Nitro-glycerine, was ordered as a vapid muscle relaxant that vasodilates the vessels to restore blood supply if the mismatch is due to a coronary spasm(Yassin, 2007). Aspirin is given daily indefinitely as it is a antiplatelet aggregation inhibitor that Hung, 2008 states is proven for secondary prevention of myocardial infarction, stroke and cardiovascular death in both men and women. He also discusses the combined use of clopidigrel and aspirin to reduce subacute stent thrombosis after PCIs (Hung, 2008).Thrombolytic therapy is given within the first 6 hours of chest pain.(Levin, 2008) Tenecteplase 90mg was given. Thrombolytic Therapy is given to dispel the clot and accept blood flow to the affected area. It can take up to 90 minutes for full resolution to occur (Goldberger,2010). There are certain considerations that medical staff must ensure prior to administration of this therapy, these include an absence of CVA /TIAs or surgery in the last 12 weeks (Gibson, 2009). Once administered ECGs are taken in 15-30 min intervals to see changes of ST segment, showing that myocardial blood supply and depolarization being restored.Cardiac markers are Pathology tests that also give certify of myocardial damage. When cardiac cells are damaged the membrane walls leak these substances into the blood stream (Aehlert eInstruction Corp., 2011). Myoglobin, Creatine kinase (CK), Troponin T and Troponin I are myocardial specific and on with ST elevation can be evident of a STEMI. arly in ischaemia the ST segment may lose the ST-T wave slope and appear straight. Then as the T wave broadens and the ST segment rises, the segment loses its concave form and becomes upwardly convex with elevations (Moser Riegel, 2008). Non STEMI do not have a significant change on the ECG only cardiac markers alter. These markers usually peak between 15-24 hours post infarction and remain elevated for 2-3days (Huszar, 2007) Creati ne Kinase has normal value of 45-250 U/L and Mr Smiths on admission was 4290 U/L decreasing to 800 U/L, 2 days post. Troponin T normal values are 0.03ug/L but Mr Smiths ranged from 14.20ug/L at 2200hours on the day of MI, to 4.39ug/L 2 days later. Serial pathology tests are taken usually every 6 hours for the first 24 hours.Mr Smith was taken for a PCI the day after his MI. He had a stent put in his proximal area of his Left anterior descending coronary arteria (LAD) in the Cardiac Catheter Lab. Mr Smiths had a PCI even though his blood supply looked like it had been reinstated, the stent will prevent clot formation again and reocclussion (Cannon, 2010). He was then transferred back to CCU and remained RIB overnight. He had a femoseal deployed into his groin to occlude the opening of the femoral vessel used for this use. Nurses need to do regular neurovascular and pedal pulse observations to check for bleeding or vessel occlusion (Shoulders-Odom, 2008).Mr Smith needed to be educat ed on his procedure pre and post operative. He has previously been for this procedure but needed re-education. It must be a daunting experience to be given twilight sedation whist having the PCI. Mr Smiths last procedure was 13 years ago which would see many new techniques being practiced that he was not familiar with. His post op education included the importance of keeping his affected leg still and care of his affected groin.(Moser Riegel, 2008) Myocardial Infarction education can be given to him at the same time but this is information that needs to be reiterated continually during his hospitalization(Lewis, 2007). He and his family need to be aware of the risk of reinfarction especially in the next 2 weeks post MI as the heart muscle is still weak and irritable and increase in activity can cause another MI. This is the time that patients start to summarise their normal daily activities after hospitalization and are at the most risk. (Douglas, 2010)Documentation is very import ant and needs to be filled out in good order as it is a legal document (Lewis, 2007). The CCUs clinical pathway for infarction indicated strict rest in bed with commode privileges for the first 48 hours, this decreases the need for myocardial oxygen. This is difficult for active patients but it needs to be strictly followed. Due to immobility other medical complications can arise, pneumonia and decreased gas exchange, occult vein thrombosis or emboli are common. To prevent these patients are encouraged to attend to hourly Deep Breathing Exercises (DBE), leg exercises and triflow. Patients can also be sit down in an upright position which increases venous return (Thelan, 1994). Anticoagulants prevent clot formation therefore Mr Smith was administered daily Clexane 90mg post PCI until discharge and administered Abciximab (Reopro) for 12 hours post PCI. To test the adequacy of anticoagulants, INR and APPT are taken to check patients dose is therapeutic. Problems with administering th e anticoagulant after thrombolytic therapy is bleeding (Yassin, 2007). Mr Smith was noted to have large traces of blood in his urinalysis and was sent for a Pelvic Ultrasound to be sure there was no other complications, the ultrasound was NAD.Prior to discharge Mr Smith was educated on his new regime of medications and the importance of medication compliance to decrease his risks of further cardiac complications (Albert, 2008).Nurses if experienced and up to date with current research and practices can work alongside medical staff and initiate nursing cares that are in the best interest of patients. Coronary Care Units must have confident and competent nurses to run the ward as most times they make significant decisions on implementation of nursing care. When Doctors have confidence in the nurse looking after their patients they will respect and listen to nurses opinions because they know they are educated and empowered with knowledge.

The Rise in Penal Populism | Dissertation

The Rise in Penal Populism DissertationAbstractSince the mid-seventies onward, the vast majority of Western countries confine experienced a earthshaking addition uninterrupted rise in their internment range, leading to the chore of everywherecrowded prison houses. We examine the extent to which the enslavement boom of legion(predicate) a nonher(prenominal) raw societies can be attributed to the phenomenon of punishable populism.Specifically, we argue that some fugacious actual execration flutters during the late 1970s and 1980s whitethorn hold back initially generated a small amount of cerebral punishable democrat sentiment among the universe, it is the strong divisions indoors the increasingly heterogeneous commonplace (both g overnmentally and ethnically), the central government, and the customary media industry of many democratic au becausetic nations which engage ultimately sustained the growth of both penal populism and prison population issues.Further much, we focus on the types of plague that atomic number 18 most comm only suckered by strong penal populist sentiments in the globe and malefactor justice system, and suggest that all much(prenominal) categories of horror can be fundamentally relate to the cultural purification of children which has taken place in virtually all Western societies during the latter half of the twentieth century. Finally, we consider the limitations of penal populism, referring to those few post-industrial states where such populist retributiveness has been generally resisted, and postulate what the end-stage consequences of a penal populist movement spanning over the past three decades are apt(predicate) to be.1. IntroductionThe term penal populism denotes a punitive phenomenon that has commence characteristic of many modern industrial societies, especially within Western liberal democracies since the late twentieth century onward, whereby anti- disgust political pressure groups, talk-ba ck radio hosts, victims rights activists or lobbyists, and others who claim to re point the ordinary human race have increasingly demanded of their governments that approximativeer policies and punishments be enforced by the pertinent organs of the cruel justice system (e.g. law enforcement agencies, prosecutors, legislators, etc.) in order to combat the perceived rise in serious offence rates (Pratt, 2006). unriva take direct consequence of the increasingly severe regretful on crime measures such as Life means Life, Three Strikes, and Zero gross profit policies exercised in many economically advanced countries from the mid-1970s onward has been an unprecedented rapid rise in the incarceration rates of these respective nations, leading to the problem of overcrowded prisons.The joined States epitomises the tempo of the modern change in study imprisonment rates, and currently has the worst problem of prison overcrowding on a global subdue. Indeed, American incarceration nu mbers have change magnitude fivefold surrounded by 1973 and 1997(Caplow and Simon, 1999, p63). More recently, in 2004 the join States surpassed Russia in incarceration rates to capture the world leader.With 2.2 million mortals inside (assuming a U.S. population of 290 million in 2004, that is an incarceration rate of approximately 759 adults in prison per 100,000 residents of the United States) and upwards of 7 million individuals either on parole, probation or awaiting trial, 1 in every 33 people in the U.S. is currently under state control and the number is growing(State-Wide Harm Reduction Coalition, 2005). Cl early on, an rendition of the widespread incarceration rise mustiness be able to accurately explain its rapidity, extent, and endurance on a global scale.There are deuce principal explanations for wherefore such a grownup number of developed countries have experienced an incarceration boom over the past three decades. twain theoretical models assert that it is chan ges in penal policies plus sentencing practices, rather than simply significant increases in crime rates alone, which are the primary factor prudent for driving prison population growth, but in that respect is considerable disparity between the two theories about the causes of penal constitution changes.One crime wave hypothesis posits that actual boost crime rates in many Western countries, including the vast expansion of medicate crime during the late twentieth century, have resulted in a greater rational public demand for the whitlow justice system to take more severe punitive measures against convicted dangerous criminals (i.e. those offenders who coiffure the highest threat to public safety and accessible order the criminal offenders most commonly targeted by penal populism in modern societies shall be considered in point in time below), such as a more frequent use of incarceration with longer custodial sentences.In contrast, the second political opportunism hypothesis suggests that many majority government parties have intentionally overstated the size and severity of the national crime problem in order to heighten public apprehensions or instil moral panic over perceived (as opposed to actual) rising crime rates, which are merely a political artefact, and subsequently utilise harsher crime control policies to win electoral favour (Caplow and Simon, 1999).Importantly, disregarding of which mechanism has in actual fact been operating across numerous advanced industrial states, and has led to the observed excessive growth in prison population sizes, both explanatory models can clearly be regarded as potently related to the strawman of penal populism. The critical difference between the two theories is whether the main original source of those penal populist sentiments can be accurately considered to be the public or the state, or both.According to the first model, which may be described as the public-induced penal populism hypothesis, it has be en the persistent public demand for the government to impose harsher punitive measures on convicted criminals which has primarily caused the fast-paced escalation of incarceration numbers in many modern nations. In other words, the criminal justice systems in these countries have largely been exercising a regime of penal excess because constant pressure from a large sector of the public (in repartee to an actual rise in crime rates) has compelled them to do so.In comparison, the second model, which we may refer to as the state-induced penal populism hypothesis, postulates that within many Western countries the government parties in power have often created and sustained an artificial appearance of rising crime rates in order to instil widespread public anxiety. Subsequently, the majority government (and individual politicians) can be observed by the public to be ostensiblely controlling the perceived illusory crime problem, such as through adopting and enforcing tough on crime mea sures, and thereby attain public frequentity to secure their partys (or their own) success in the next general election.The second model push suggests that the government is not the only state institution in developed nations which benefits from overstating the scale of the dangerous crime threat, but that there are also large rewards for popular media outlets or newborns companies willing to do so. It is argued by many criminologists that within almost all democratic Western countries, the central government and the popular media, which are both fragmented into multiple competing partys or companies, are highly dependent on addressing and coverage criminal activity that specifically victimises ordinary people in order to retain electoral votes and public ratings, respectively.Hence, the state-induced penal populism hypothesis proposes that politicians and media outlets lead rather than merely follow or passively represent the public opinion the public only supports or appears to demand the governments harsher punitive policy strategies because the same national government and popular media industry (as two powerful state institutions) have manufactured a compelling false image of prevalent serious crime which has instilled strong penal populist sentiments in a large proportion of that public.The central aim of the following examination is to determine which of these two distinctive theoretical positions is most likely to be correct. It is of course possible that the public-induced penal populism mechanism primarily operates in one developed nation, while in another Western country it may be the state-driven penal populism process that is predominant.However, to the extent that the relatively recent phenomenon of globalisation has resulted in many common economic, social, political, and cultural practices being widely adopted by a number of modern industrial states, one may plausibly front a similar (if not identical) mechanism of generating penal popul ism to be present in the developed nations affected by prison population growth, especially with regard to the United States and Western Europe.At the outset, we may hypothesise that although some short-lived real increases in Western crime rates during the late 1970s and 1980s may have initially triggered some rational penal populist sentiments among the public of these modern societies, it has been the combined interaction of both political opportunism and media opportunism which has acted as a powerful vehicle in numerous modern societies for distorting the publics common view of the national crime problem, and ultimately for sustaining the growth of both penal populism plus prison populations, careless(predicate) of how those crime rates may have subsequently changed (and in most developed countries they have steadily declined).One fundamental feature of the modern incarceration surge over the past three decades that is observed in virtually all countries affected by rapid pri son growth is the significant proportion of these prison populations that has become comprised of racial minorities, including both of resident ethnic groups and of non-citizen illegal immigrants. As one study (ODonnell, 2004, p262) remarks, one factor that accounts for rising prison populations across Europe is the incarceration of foreigners. It is likely that prison accommodation in the Republic of Ireland will be used to hold growing numbers of failed asylum seekers, at least(prenominal) unfinished deportation.It is also inevitable that the composition of the prison population will change as members of minority groups begin to appear before the courts on criminal charges. In terms of the racial minorities imprisonment trend in the United States, Caplow and Simon (1999, p66) assert that it is undeniable that the incarcerated population is disproportionately composed of minorities (especially African Americans and Hispanics), and that the disproportion has change magnitude duri ng the period of rising imprisonmentThe period of rapid growth in incarceration rates has seen a significant increase in the proportion of minorities in the inmate population, especially among medicate offenders, the fastest growing segment of that prison population.As is the case with most Western European countries, the United States prison sector has also experienced a mass round up of illegal immigrants or non-citizens during the last three decades, who in 2003 made up 40% of federal prisoners (State-Wide Harm Reduction Coalition, 2005). Ultimately, therefore, it is apparent that the incarceration boom in many developed countries has primarily affected various racial minority populations present within these nations. It is the cumulative incarceration of racial minorities that is significantly responsible for the prison overcrowding problem commonly observed.Thus, one crucial question that we must address in the following study is what has caused (and continues to cause) the in creased imprisonment of racial minority populations, relative to the incarceration rate of the racial majority host population ( exemplaryly white), within the modern industrial societies affected by prison overcrowding? Specifically, we shall seek to determine whether pervasive penal racism, indicated by a greater tendency in developed nations for both the law enforcement system to mark and subsequently for the criminal justice system to imprison ethnic or non-white defendants compared with white ones who have committed the same offence, is sufficient to explain the large racial differentials observed in incarceration rates, or not. The methodology of the following study consists entirely of literature-based research and analysis.2. The Origins of Penal Populism Real Crime Waves versus Political and Media OpportunismIt is widely acknowledged that the prevalent public sentiment in many developed countries to get tough with criminals has played a central role in catalysing the incar ceration surge which has fall outred in these nations since the mid-1970s onward, an influential social movement that is referred to as penal populism.Furthermore, whether one regards the source of that penal populism as stemming from a rational public response to actual rising crime rates or, conversely, as triggered by public exposure to political and media manipulation, the measured strength of the publics demand on their respective democratic governments to impose harsher punitive measures on convicted criminals has remained consistently high over the thirty year period of vast growth in incarceration numbers.For example, with regard to the United States, one study notes that the time series of public responses to the survey question of whether courts are too lenient has remained highly stable since 1972 (Caplow and Simon, 1999). The significant temporal correlation in many modern industrial states between the onset of strong public desire since around the mid-1970s for more st ringent crime policies and the period of rapid prison population growth is a clear indication of the vital part that penal populist sentiments have played in causing prison overcrowding.One may plausibly argue that the strong growth of penal populist sentiments in most advanced industrial societies over the past three decades has been initially generated by temporary real increases in crime (including the rapid expansion of a drug-crime economy during the 1980s) and sustained by an increased reliance of governments on implementing harsher crime control measures (rather than more effective social welfare policies) to gain public support plus secure electoral favour.Accordingly, we typify to demonstrate that penal populism in developed nations is a product of both short-lived actual crime waves and manipulative political opportunism. Indeed, one would theoretically expect the two factors operating in conjunction to result in a significantly larger escalation in incarceration rates (a s is in fact observed) than would occur if only one of these forces was present in isolation.As one study has observed, tough on crime policies produce prison population increases only to the situation that offenders are available to be imprisoned (Zimring and Hawkins, 1991). Conversely, an increase in crime rates would also not produce a corresponding increase in imprisonment rates unless some suitably punitive crime control measures were in place.During the last thirty years there has also certainly occurred in many Western countries a greater dependence of competing popular media companies, both goggle box and the press, on selectively reporting dangerous (i.e. worse than normal) crime on an almost daily basis, simply in order to maintain or increase viewer and reader ratings. By portraying the national crime problem as more severe and more prevalent than in reality, individual popular media outlets (e.g. tabloid newspapers) in developed nations have become more likeable to p ublic viewers than their quality media counterparts (e.g. broadsheet newspapers) who often object to distorting or manipulating the reporting of crime news.Since the late twentieth century onward, crime news has become a fundamental component of the publics staple diet. As Pratt (2007, p68) suggests, the reporting of crime is inherently able to shock and entertain, sustaining public appeal and interest, sell newspapers and increasing television audiences. Furthermore, the focusing in which crime is used to achieve these ends is by selective rather than comprehensive reportingHowever, it is not only that crime reporting has quantitatively increased there have also been qualitative changes in its reporting it is prone to focus more extensively on violent and intimate crime than in the pastThese qualitative and quantitative changes in crime reporting can be attributed to the growing diversity of news sources and media outletsAs a consequence, both television and the press have to be much more competitive than used to be the case.Their programmes have to be packaged in such a way that they become more attractive to viewers than those of their rivals and competitors. Evidently, given that it is typically the most popular newspapers (such as the tabloid press in Britain) which feature the greatest number and severity of crime stories, it means that the most common representations of crime, portrayed in the form of randomised, unpredictable and violent attacks inevitably committed by strangers on ordinary people, reach the greatest audience(Pratt, 2007, p70).Thus, it is clear that within modern society the potential benefits to popular media outlets from inaccurately amplifying the danger plus scale of national crime in the publics perception are equally as large as the rewards for politicians willing to do so. With regard to addressing the (largely fabricated) immediacy of the criminal activity problem, therefore, media opportunism and political opportunism are pr oximately linked in virtually all post-industrial countries where penal populist currents are strongly established.As well(p) as magnifying the size of the dangerous crime problem, the popular media in many Western countries further continually seeks to undermine the current sentencing practices of the criminal justice system, regardless of how harsh they have become over the past three decades. In the same way that the crime stories reported by the popular media are scarcely representative of the actual nature of everyday crime within developed nations, the court stories followed are rarely illustrative of everyday sentencing practices.According to Pratt (2007), that media misrepresentation then reinforces the common public opinion that courts are too lenient, even though they have become significantly more punitive, in addition to fuelling the widely held public sentiment that the crime rate is constantly escalating when recent statistics indicate that crime is in fact steadily declining in most modern societies. Thus, in its reporting style, crime analysis by the Western popular media has become personalised rather than statisticalised, since1) it prioritises the experiences of ordinary people (especially crime victims) over expert opinions2) News reports are more prone to focus on the occasional failings of criminal justice officials as opposed to their many successes. Indeed, in the vast majority of modern societies, the consultation of criminal statistics has become a code for softness on crime and callousness towards its victims(Pratt, 2007, p88), which simply provides the popular media with further scope to legitimately overstate the scale and severity of everyday crime in developed states. For these reasons, the media outlets in many Western countries have played a significant role in facilitating the continual growth of penal populist sentiments among the public.3. The Transient Growth of a Drug-Crime Economy in Developed CountriesIt is highly per tinent that the vast expansion in drug crime within many Western nations during the late 1970s and 1980s coincided precisely with the onset of rapidly escalating incarceration rates in these same countries. As is asserted, the growth in nondrug crime has simply not been sufficient to sustain the rapid growth of imprisonment. By the 1970s there was already an active coating of drug use and networks of drug importation/sales in the United States, but their economic importance increased in the 1980s due to new products and distribution strategies, especially for crack cocaine. That transformation in the marketing of illegal drugs coincided with political decisions to intensify the punishments for drug crimes. The result was an enlargement of the population available for criminal justice processing(Caplow and Simon, 1999, p71).It is crucial to acknowledge, therefore, that in any modern industrial society there is not a rudimentary causal link between a greater public desire for severit y in criminal sanctions and a sustained growth in incarceration numbers other conditions must be present. Specifically, a key condition is a large pool of offenders available to be imprisoned(Caplow and Simon, 1999, p93). Although there had also been documented transient increases in the number of offenders committing nondrug crimes such as violent crime, berth crime (larceny), and sex crime in modern societies during the 1980s, these numbers tended to fluctuate in cycles over time, and could not account for the continual rise in incarceration rates observed.In contrast, the number of drug crime offences had remained consistently high throughout the 1980s in virtually all developed countries that have experienced an incarceration boom. However, in most Western nations the total drug crime rate then started to steadily decline during the 1990s largely due to the much harsher punishments being imposed on drug crime offenders (both petty and serious) by the criminal justice systems in these states.One valid explanation for the persistently high rate of drug crime during the 1980s is the economic base principle. Specifically, while the average monetary matter of larceny, violence and sex offences is very low, drug crime represents one of the only categories of felony where the potential financial returns are extremely high, and that provides a strong economic incentive for individuals living in poverty. Hence, drug smuggling and trafficking are the only illegal activities capable of providing a solid economic base for a large criminal population in modern society. The initial cost of goods is low and law enforcement efforts sustain high retail prices, thereby ensuring large profit margins (Reuter and Kleiman, 1986).Since the 1980s, drug crime has certainly been targeted by penal populist sentiments in many Western countries affected by a public expectation for greater punitiveness, largely irrespective of how the drug crime rate has subsequently changed in thes e developed nations, but it is evidently not the only category of felony that has become a common target of penal populism. Sex offences (especially against children), violent or abusive crimes (once again, even more so when the victims are children), and youth crime are three other chief(prenominal) types of crime that in late modern capitalist states have characteristically become subjected to a public desire for penal excess. We shall examine in detail at a later stage below what these specific four categories of crime have in common and why they are such typical targets of penal populist sentiments in developed liberal societies.4. The Increased Dependence of Governments on Crime Control as a Source of Popular believabilityThe rapid proliferation of drug crime in many Western countries during the late 1970s and 1980s was accompanied by a great loss of public confidence in the social welfare programs implemented in these same nations. As Pratt (2007, p95) asserts, the visible pr esence of drug addicts in these countries had become a symbol of misplaced welfarism and tolerance, now believed to be corroding their economic and social fabrics. Furthermore, the short-lived growth of general crime waves in many modern societies during the late twentieth century led to a significant decline of public assurance in the competence of their respective governments to control the state.As one study remarks, the outside(a) crime waves of the 1960s and 1970s helped diminish the prestige of national governments all over the industrial world, by calling into question their capacity to maintain social order. The increase of crime rates at a time of increasing government efforts to help the poor undermined many of the traditional arguments for welfare, and helped confirm the view of many conservatives that efforts to help the poor only made circumstances worse by eliminating incentives for self reformment(Caplow and Simon, 1999, p88).It is difficult to determine whether th e crime wave was caused by expansions in welfare programs or merely coincided with them. The main point is that in addition to the direct relationship between high rates of crime and demands for punitive political responses, the crime wave may have indirectly diminished the prestige of and public demand for welfare-oriented government (Caplow and Simon, 1999).Thus, it is argued that during the 1980s many Western governments shifted the priority of their home(prenominal) agendas away from welfare policies toward crime control policies. Initially, it was most often right wing conservative politicians that promoted tough on crime punitive measures, making crime a political issue and gaining public support. However, Lappi-Seppl (2002, p92) suggests that mainstream opposition (i.e. left wing) parties are then forced into advocating punitive policies as well, because although these left wing parties wish to distance themselves from the populist programmes of the right wing movements, t here is one area where they do not like to dis associate the requirement of being tough on crime.No party seems to be willing to accuse another of exaggeration when it comes to measures against criminality. Being soft on crime is an accusation that no governmental party wants to accept. And it is that fear of being softer than ones political opponents which tends to drive politicians, in the end, to the extremes of penal excess. It is plausible to argue, therefore, that constant competition between opposing governmental factions for public favour in liberal democracies has created an punitive arms race of political opportunism, whereby each party is compelled to promote plus (when in power) implement increasingly more radical punitive policies irrespective of the actual level of crime that the country is experiencing in order to avoid appearing weak on crime and consequently losing valuable electoral votes to their political opponents who are prepared to be more severe on crimin als.Clearly, such an opportunistic punitive arms race occurring within the governments of developed nations would lead to an exponential increase in the prison population numbers of these countries, and ultimately to prison overcrowding. That political mechanism may at least partly explain why so many Western countries which have experienced a large decrease in crime rates since the mid-1990s and into the early twenty-first century have still reported a rising prison population.For example, Pratt (2006, p1) observes that since 1999 Labour led coalition governments in New Zealand have strongly adhered to Britains New Labour approach to crime and punishment, even using the famous phrase tough on crime, tough on the causes of crime in its election manifestoes of 2002 and 2005. As a consequence, while New Zealands recorded crime rate has dropped by 25% in the last ten years, its imprisonment rate has increased to 189 per 100,000, one of the highest of Western countries.Yet it is not onl y the divisions (i.e. in terms of competing parties) within Western democratic governments that have catalysed the increased political focus on crime control, but also the growing number of divisions among the public itself. Indeed, modern society in many developed nations (such as the United Kingdom and the United States) has become increasingly heterogeneous since the late twentieth century, and consequently the number of bases of division within these societies has expanded.For example, the members of a diverse post-industrial society are not only partitioned along the traditional parameter of social class, but are also strongly divided by a number of dichotomous value-based issues that are characteristic of post-materialist politics such as abortion, gay rights, animal rights (e.g. fox hunting), mass immigration, school prayer, and capital punishment where it still exists (Caplow and Simon, 1999). These value- or identity-based issues are intensely contested over in modern soci eties by well-organised pressure groups on either side of the bipolar political spectrum. These issues are bipolar or dichotomous in the smack that they are non-negotiable with no middle ground one either supports abortion rights or one opposes them.Hence, public division on these post-materialist issues is inevitable. One authorised consequence of the heterogeneous publics of Western countries becoming divided by such a multitude of value conflicts during the 1970s onward is that government parties had difficulty finding any issues to build successful election campaigns on that would appeal to a vast majority of the public. Harsher crime control appeared to be a clear resource as a singular issue that large sections of the modern public are united in consensus on. As is stated, Unlike most values issues on the left or right, crime control seems to cut across the political spectrumPoliticians seeking to build viable majorities inevitably turn to the few issues that can fuck off people together in the new political landscapeThat is why election campaigns continue to focus on crime and punishment issues even when opposing candidates agree in their support of punitive anticrime measures.Faced with voters who split on so many issues and who are profoundly sceptical about the ability of government to improve their lives through welfare-oriented interventions, the mode of governing that commands the broadest support punitiveness toward criminal offenders is understandably valued by governments(Caplow and Simon, 1999, p83). Ultimately, therefore, while short-lived actual increases in crime rates during the late 1970s and 1980s may have initially triggered the rise in imprisonment rates in a number of developed countries, political opportunism (in the sense of governments capitalising on populist punitiveness) has arguably sustained the incarceration boom in virtually all Western nations affected by prison overcrowding, regardless of how those crime rates may h ave subsequently changed.5. The Target Crimes of Penal PopulismThere is a high degree of uniformity across all Western nations that have experienced an incarceration surge over the past three decades in the types of crime that are most commonly subjected to strong public demand for harsh punitive sanctions. Generally, the four most frequent felony targets of penal populism areDrug crimeSex offences, especially when the victims are childrenChild abuse (physical, sexual, or psychological), and offspring crime.Correspondingly, these have also been some of the fastest growing segments of prison and boot camp populations in many developed countries during recent years. One fundamental property that the above four categories of crime have in common is that children are extremely vulnerable to the effects of all of them. We may validly question why children have come to occupy such a central place in the penal populist sentiments of modern industrial societies.Pratt (2007, p96) remarks tha t crime control policy driven by penal populism targets others, not ordinary, normal peopleGiven the nature of populism, we should expect that crime control policy will gravitate towards easy and familiar targets, for whom there is likely to be the least public sympathy, the most social distance and the fewest authoritative voices (if any) to speak on their behalf tho

Gravity By Sara Bareilles | Review

Gravity By Sara B beilles ReviewSara Bareilles is an American singer, meterwriter, and pianist. She grew up in Eureka, CA, and at the age of 18 she moved to Los Angeles, CA to charter her career (Sara Bareilles). According to She is a graduate of UCLAs Communication Studies De pop outment. While in high school, she performed in community productions and also high school events. Although she was involved in numerous singing acts, she never had any training in either voice or piano. Bareilles has been a songwriter for almost all of her life. Her two for the first time works, Star Sweeper and I Love a Parade, didnt win her any Grammies, but they are a representation of the fact that she has been song constitution for a very long time (Sara Bareilles).According to Bareilles biography on Vh1.com, she began to perform in local bars and open-mic nights after she graduated college. After gaining enough arrogance to tonus comfortable on stage, she began to perform at local venues and musical festivals. She had made a CD, and began to shop it around and eventually signed a palm with heroical Records in April of 2005. A produced by the name of Eric Rosse worked with her the following February to help perfect her record. They worked on the record just over a year. Sara Bareilles second record album was titled Little Voice and released in July 2007. Her first single Love Song and the album reached the Top Ten after being released (Sara Bareilles). She has been awarded four Grammies two in 2008 and two in 2009.Historical ContextGravity was originally written for Bareilles first album entitled Careful Confessions (Careful Confessions). After she was signed to Epic Records and teamed up with Eric Rosse, the single was added to the track list for the album Little Voice. Gravity was written in the early 2000s. During this time thither were many events happening which include George W. Bush being president, the major terrorist attack in New York, George Harrison died a nd the war in Iraq began (United States Timeline).These events probably didnt have much effect on Sara Bareilles reason for writing Gravity. Not much was found for her reasoning, but it was possibly based on past relationship that she has had, or a reflection on either one or multiple relationships.AnalysisThe overall theme of Gravity is how one can be drawn toward another person in their life, even if they dont deficiency to. Sara Bareilles starts the song by Something always brings me back to you, It never takes too long, No matter what I say or do, I still feel you here til the moment Im gone (lines 1-4). Here she is saying that there is a force that is making her return to someone in little time, and it doesnt matter what she does to stop this or go in a different direction because there is always a feeling that she has that wants to be near, lets say, this man that is drawing her near.The second verse is You survive me without touch, You keep me without chains, I never wante d anything so much, Than to drown in your love and not feel your rain (lines 5-8). When she says You hold me without touch, she is saying that she can feel him even though he is not there. You keep me without chains, means that he can control her without him even trying to. The last two lines can be translated into that she has a strong feeling to want to be embraced in his love and not feel like she cant have it. The reason for this is because when you are drowning, you are fully covered in water, and when you are being rained on, you just get glimpse of water and youre not fully drenched in it.The chorus of the song is Set me free, leave me be, I dont wanna fall another moment into your gravity, Here I am and I stand so tall, Im just the way Im vatic to be, But youre on to me and all over me (lines 9-13). When the song goes into the verse, it seems that the song is switching gears a little bit. She wants to be set free from this force that she is feeling. She doesnt want to be pu lled into him anymore. She wants to be her own person without him, but she feels it may be impossible to stop this force.The third verse is You loved me cause Im fragile, When I thought that I was strong, But you touch me for a little while, And all my fragile strength is gone (lines 14-17). She is saying that she thought she was strong enough to not need a man in her life, but she was actually weak, and all the strength she thought she had went away when the man came into her life. After the third verse the chorus repeats.The hook is I live here on my knees, As I try to make you see, That youre everything I think I need, Here on the ground, But youre neither colleague nor for, Though I cant seem to let you go, The one think that I still k now, Is that youre keeping me down, Youre keeping me down (lines 18-26). This is the climax of the song. She is explaining that perchance she thinks she needs to have him in her life. He is not a friend or an enemy, but she cant let him not be a part of her life, because he is what keeps her sane.This song goes through multiple ups and downs. The artist seems to not be sure what this man is to her in her life, but in the end she comes to the conclusion that he is what keeps her grounded.

Ernest Hemingway :: essays research papers

Hemmingways InfluenceErnest Hemmingway is unity of the greatest writers of all time. Like many great authors he was influenced by the earth in which he lived. The environment that surrounded him influenced Hemmingway. These included such things as serving in the war and living in post war areas where battalion went to forget about the war. Another influence on his writings was his hobbies. He loved the great outdoors. He spent a lot of his time recently sea fishing and enjoying bull fighting. These influences had an impact on Hemmingway and they were expressed in his writing.Ernest Hemmingway was born in Oak Park, Illinois, on July 21, 1899. Early in his life Hemmingway expressed a strong interest in the outdoors. He started fishing and hunting with his father very early. Hemmingway was educated in the public schools and as soon as he completed high school he started working for the Kansas City Star. After several(prenominal) years of working for them he moved to Spain. Here he became an ambulance driver and infantryman in World War II. He was also a war correspondent during the Spanish Civil War. During the war he was one of the first wounded. He was shot in the knee and spent a while in a hospital in Milan, Italy. Here he met Agnes, a nurse, and fell in love with here and she didnt love him and he was deeply hurt by this. Then he went to France and spent several years there as a correspondent for the Toronto Star. It was here he that began his serious writing career. After that Hemmingway moved to Spain. It was here that he developed a love for bullfighting. He spent day after day watching the fighters. He even decided to try it for a short time but wasnt very successful. He realized that by watching and writing he could express the art of bullfighting to everyone. After this Hemmingway moved to Cuba and became a marine fisherman. He spent all day out on the sea and often went out just to be on the ocean. Hemmingway was very successful at fishing and loved the way of life in Cuba. Hemmingway then decided to take up deep big game hunting in Africa. This to he was very successful at and became a world-renowned hunter. After this he moved back to the states and spent a couple more years writing.

Enlightenment Thinkers :: essays research papers

History EssayDo you agree with the Enlightenment thinkers such as Ben Franklin that humans ar essenti altogethery good?The Scientific Revolution had led people looking for laws governing human behavior. The ideas of the Scientific Revolution paved the way for a new block called the Enlightenment, also known as the Age of Reason. This period took place in the eighteenth- century. This was the philosophical movement that emphasized the pursuit of knowledge through reason and refused to buy up ideas on the strength of religion or tradition alone. Thinkers and philosophers of the time included, Ben Franklin, Thomas Hobbes, tail Locke, and many more. The belief that appealed to most political figures of the time, was deism. Deism was the belief that perfection created the universe in such a way that no divine intervention was necessary for its continued operation. Most thinkers of the time believed that humans were basically good. In todays life it is noticeable that this believe d oes not apply to all, hardly to any. Although it is also not fair to say that all humans are sinners.Thomas Hobbes, an English philosopher of the 1600s, tried to create a science of politics. After witnessing the horrors of the English Civil War, Hobbes decided that conflict was part of human nature. Without governments to keep order, Hobbes said, thither would be war of everyone against everyone. In this state of nature life would be nasty, brutish, and short. In his book Leviathan, Hobbes argued that to escape such a bleak life, people gave up their rights to a strong ruler. In exchange, they gained law and order. Hobbes called this agreement, by which people created a government, the social contract. Hobbes basically saw people as naturally selfish and violent.John Locke was another philosopher of the Enlightenment. He viewed human nature very differently from Hobbes. Locke said a person is not born good or evil. Rather he said, peoples characters are shaped by their experiences. Locke felt people could learn from experience and improve themselves, which led him to believe in self-governing. According to Locke, all people are born free and equal, with three natural rights- life, liberty and property. He believed that the purpose of a government of is to protect these rights and if they fail the people would start the power to overthrow them. This idea is still standing today. The key thinkers of the Enlightenment had very definite views on the ideal government.